The Co-opolitan: A Story of the Co-operative Commonwealth of Idaho — Background and Themes

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Forbush, Zebina Project Gutenberg 2022 Not confirmed
Utopias -- Fiction; Utopian fiction; Idaho -- Fiction; Cooperative societies -- Fiction Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 63,724
Reading time 278 min
Text sections 35

This digital edition of The Co-opolitan: A Story of the Co-operative Commonwealth of Idaho — Background and Themes is described by source-level measurements including 63,724 words, 4 hr 38 min estimated reading time, and 35 detected text sections.

The text analysis averages about 22.0 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.

Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Utopias -- Fiction,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.

An 1898 utopian novel detailing the establishment of a cooperative commonwealth in Idaho, focusing on the legal and economic mechanisms—such as single-tax on land, prohibition of alien labor, and state-run mining—that reshape society, with a preface arguing for gradual reform through education rather than revolution.
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CHAPTER I. THE YEAR 1897.

During the entire existence of the great American republic no year seemed more hopeless to the masses of its people than the year 1897.

It is true that the dark hours of conflict, when separation from Great Britain was sought at the cannon’s mouth, and later, when civil strife nearly rent the nation in twain, seemed, to superficial observers, to be more fraught with danger.

But the problems of those times could be and were readily understood. Success to the arms of the patriots, in the one case, and the Unionists in the other, was a simple solution, although distressing in its pursuit and difficult of achievement.

But this year was one which was the culmination of many years of singular abundance, blessed by nature in almost every conceivable way, and yet by a strange contradiction of circumstances full of sorrow, distress, hunger and poverty.

The wealth of this, the richest country in the world, was made valueless by reason of the belief on the part of its people that it must borrow the right to use that wealth from other nations. The supplies of food, clothing and materials of all kinds were vast, and yet the inhabitants for some cause were not able to obtain them, although their needs were great. There were now a few rich and many—very many—extremely poor.

It was this strange, contradictory, confusing and incomprehensible condition which made men hopeless. Where to look for help, what to do, the cause, the consequence, the evil and the remedy, were all subjects of agitation and deep concern. Everybody except those few who were satisfied with any condition which did not disturb their own happiness, had views on these subjects and had conceived of some remedy. And the multiplicity of these views and the innumerable varieties of remedies proposed, seemed to aggravate the general despair and produce an increasing paralysis of action.

It was in January of that dismal year that I found myself in the great city of Chicago. I, too, had been affected by the universal depreciation of property, so that a fortune of fifty thousand dollars, which I had inherited from my parents, was now dubiously estimated to have dwindled to something like ten thousand dollars. I knew it was not my fault.

Bank stocks, railroad stocks and mining stocks, represented the bulk of my poor, deceased father’s savings and investments.

Much of this could not attract buyers at any price. Some could not be given away. The rest was convertible into gold at a few cents on the dollar.

But I was too young, being only twenty-five years of age, to become despondent over the loss of money, and I had traveled so extensively about my own country and seen its countless opportunities that I felt a certain elation in the prospect of building up a fortune of my own.

So that, although a stranger in Chicago, with no friends nearer than Massachusetts, and without the smallest idea of a plan for the future, I yet had a firm belief in God, man, my country and myself.

I did not even doubt the system which had robbed me of my fortune, and was inclined to look upon all who denounced it as hostile to the best interests of mankind.

My education was, in a large measure, responsible for this. Born in Salem, Massachusetts, one of the oldest, sleepiest and most conservative of American cities, educated in her schools and in one of the staid old colleges, for which New England was justly famous, how could I have imbibed anything but ancient, sleepy and conservative theories of political economy, and fine, staid and somewhat musty notions of the end and purpose of man?

It is true that my extensive travels had broadened me somewhat mentally. They had taught me the value of individual men and had rather obliterated sectional pride, which I was willing to confess was the besetting sin of the average New Englander; they had made me acquainted with manners and customs and had produced in me a capability of adjusting myself to delicate situations.

But this sort of breadth, while excellent and serviceable, did not render me tolerant of ideas which were at variance with those commonly accepted. My distinguishing characteristic, on which I prided myself not a little, was an almost encyclopedic knowledge of the history and resources of my own country. I mention this particularly now, because I had occasion, later on, to turn my knowledge to a very useful purpose.

Zebina Forbush’s The Co-opolitan (1898) is less a novel of character than a legislative blueprint cast as fiction. The preface immediately establishes the author’s rhetorical stance: reform must come through education, not revolution, and must win over “the substantial business interests.” The narrative that follows is accordingly dense with tax codes, property laws, and labor regulations, all presented as the workings of a Great Council. Forbush’s prose is declarative and legalistic, favoring exposition over scene-setting. Dialogue is sparse; when it appears, it serves to explain policy rather than reveal personality. The result is a work that reads like a policy brief with a thin fictional frame—a deliberate choice that prioritizes argument over artistry.

The Preface as Manifesto

Forbush opens not with a story but with an essay. He declares that “no radical and permanent reform can be successfully effected without the consent of what are called ‘the substantial business interests’ of the established system.” This sentence reveals his core assumption: change must be evolutionary, not revolutionary. He dismisses “political Co-operation” as doomed because “the Industrial System is against it.” The preface’s tone is weary and pragmatic, contrasting with the utopian content that follows. Forbush’s diction—words like “Mephisto,” “will-o’-the-wisp,” and “millions in the competitive system”—frames capitalism as a seductive, almost supernatural opponent. This rhetorical choice sets the novel’s argumentative, rather than narrative, trajectory.

Taxation as Plot Engine

The excerpt detailing the single-tax system on land values is the novel’s most extended piece of policy exposition. Forbush describes how cattle men were taxed collectively on the total acreage of their range, with each owner responsible for ensuring neighbors paid their share. The language is precise: “the value of the range per acre was estimated upon the basis of its use for grazing purposes.” The narrative then recounts legal and armed resistance, with the Great Council—composed entirely of Co-operators—reversing a lower court decision. The press is portrayed as hostile, siding with the cattle men. Forbush’s authorial voice here is that of a legal historian, not a novelist; he is more interested in the mechanics of enforcement than in dramatizing conflict.

Labor, Aliens, and the Limits of Inclusion

Forbush addresses labor competition directly. When mine owners attempt to import Chinese, Italian, Hungarian, and Slavonian workers, the Great Council responds with laws prohibiting aliens from owning real estate or being employed within the state. The Supreme Court later upholds these laws. Forbush’s language is notably blunt: “We offered no encouragement to dishonest practices.” The passage reveals an exclusionary strain in the cooperative vision—one that protects existing workers by barring outsiders. The author does not question this policy; he presents it as a natural defense against “cheaper labor.” This detail complicates the utopian label, showing that Forbush’s commonwealth is built on selective membership, not universal brotherhood.

The Rhetoric of Righteousness vs. Money

Throughout the excerpts, Forbush returns to a central binary: righteousness versus money. In the preface, he writes that “Righteousness without money is a will-o’-the-wisp as against Mephisto, with millions in the competitive system.” This metaphor recurs implicitly in the later passages, where the cooperative commonwealth’s moral authority is contrasted with the “immoral” press and the “honest” cattle men who flee taxes. Forbush’s authorial stance is defensive; he repeatedly anticipates criticism and rebuts it. The novel’s structure is thus argumentative, with each policy described as a response to an objection. This rhetorical pattern—assertion, challenge, refutation—gives the prose a legalistic rhythm, more akin to a brief than a narrative.

Readers should approach The Co-opolitan as a work of political advocacy dressed in fiction. Forbush’s choices—the expository preface, the policy-heavy dialogue, the absence of individual character arcs—all serve his didactic purpose. The novel is best understood not as a story but as a thought experiment: what would a cooperative commonwealth look like if built through legal and economic mechanisms? The answer, Forbush suggests, is a state that taxes land values, excludes alien labor, and operates mines directly. Whether one finds this vision inspiring or troubling, the book’s value lies in its detailed articulation of a specific reform program.

That rainy afternoon, The Co-opolitan felt less like a blueprint than a quiet prayer for fairness. I kept circling back to its faith in gradual change, education over upheaval. Later, reaching for something lighter, I found myself tucked into The Plymouth Express Affair — Context and Discussion, and realized both books share a patient eye for small turns that remake a whole world.

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